The Political Program of the Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) – 2026

Name:

The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau)

Definition:

It is a party that adopts Marxism as a method of analysis, and is communist in both politics and organization. However, it has broken with many concepts and practices historically associated with communist movements.

The party expresses a willingness to open up to local social structures in order to adapt Marxism—both as a methodology and as a body of thought—to the cultural and civilizational identity of society.

Members of the party present a new vision of Marxism, viewing it as:

• An analytical method for understanding economic, social, and cultural dynamics
• A tool for forming a political vision that incorporates:
  • Global dimensions
  • Regional dynamics
  • Internal realities

This vision is used to derive a political program suited to a specific time and place.

The party does not consider Marxism to be:

• A rigid doctrine
• A comprehensive philosophical worldview governing the universe or nature

Instead, it affirms that:

• A Marxist is free to hold any personal beliefs, whether religious or non-religious
• Individuals may practice religious rituals—or not—according to their convictions

Thus, Marxism is confined to:

• Economic
• Social
• Cultural
• Political domains

This creates a clear separation between personal belief and political party orientation.

Methodology:

The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) adopts Marxism as an analytical method applied to a specific time and place, based on the dialectic between:

• The general and the particular
• Internal and external factors

The goal is to:

• Develop a political understanding of reality
• Generate a political, economic, social, and cultural program appropriate to the current stage

The party remains committed to Marxism as a cognitive and analytical framework, especially in analyzing:

• Economic structures
• Social formations
• Cultural systems
• Political dynamics

This includes analyzing the interaction between internal and external forces to formulate its political program.

On the Party Identity:

The party retains the name “Communist” because it adheres to:

• The Leninist theory of party organization, particularly as outlined in “What Is to Be Done?”

The combination of:

• Marxist analysis
• Leninist organizational theory

forms the foundation of what is historically known as a Communist Party, as established since the founding of the Communist International (Comintern) in 1919.

Social Role:

The party defends the higher interests of:

• The impoverished classes
• Workers
• Wage earners (both manual and intellectual labor)

Nature of the Program:

This program is:

• Not a long-term strategic blueprint
• Rather, it is a transitional program, focused on:
  • A specific phase
  • Its strategy and tactics

Introduction to the Program

The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) operates along four main lines:

1. General National Line

Through this line, the party politically aligns with any forces it agrees with, regardless of their ideological positions.

2. General Leftist Line

In this line, the party aligns with:

• Arab nationalist leftist forces
• Kurdish leftist forces
• Marxist groups

on a national democratic basis.

3. Syrian Marxist Left Line

Through this line, the party seeks—together with other Syrian Marxist forces—to:

• Bring closer differing intellectual and political viewpoints
• Unite Syrian Marxists into a collective framework

This would:

• Bring together parties and movements under a central political leadership
• While maintaining their organizational independence
• As a step toward eventual unification into a single party with one political program

4. General Marxist Left Line

This line aims to:

• Foster convergence between communist parties in the region
• Promote ideological and political coordination among them

Defining the Current Phase

The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) considers the current phase in Syria to be:

A National Democratic Stage

This means:

Socially:

• A bourgeois stage

Economically:

• A capitalist-oriented structure

Legally and constitutionally:

• A phase requiring modern institutional development

Core Priorities of This Stage

The party believes in achieving transitional goals, including:

• National objectives
• Democratic transformation
• Socio-economic development
• Modernization

However, due to external dominance over Syria since 2011, the party emphasizes:

Priority of the National Dimension

Meaning:

• Preserving Syria as a unified state
• Resolving the crisis through a political settlement

Only after achieving this settlement should there be:

• A national struggle to end external domination over internal affairs

Strategic Perspective

The party views all other goals (democratic, economic, social, modernization) through the lens of the national question, and seeks alignment with other political forces on this basis.

Post-2024 Context

Following the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime on December 8, 2024, and the rise of a temporary authority:

• Some features of the current stage are still unclear or evolving
• Ongoing foreign interventions (political and military) continue to shape Syria

These include:

• Powers supporting the new authority
• Powers opposing it

Current Priority: National-Democratic Reconstruction

This includes:

• Managing relations with external actors
• Rebuilding the internal political system

The party supports:

• A consensual political solution
• One that:
  • Preserves Syria’s unity
  • Ensures participation of all citizens in shaping the future

Theoretical Foundation

The concept of the national democratic stage is rooted in The Communist Manifesto, which argues:

• In pre-capitalist or underdeveloped societies:
  • It is not possible to transition directly to socialism
  • All stages of capitalism must first be completed

Possible Paths for Communists

Communists may:

• Form alliances to achieve the national democratic stage
• Lead capitalist transformation (as in China and Vietnam)
• Or lead a form of state capitalism, as occurred in:
  • The Soviet Union (1917–1991)

Lesson from the Soviet Experience

• The Soviet system eventually collapsed because:
  • Productive forces evolved
  • They demanded new relations of production
  • This led toward a market economy model

Which resulted in:

• The collapse of the one-party system
• The end of state capitalism

The International Situation

The current global situation was shaped by the collapse and disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991, which led to the emergence of a unipolar world dominated by the United States.

Main Characteristics:

• The defining feature of today’s international system is American unipolarity
• The world is still largely governed by this single dominant power

What appears as:

• Russian influence in certain regions (including Syria after 2015)

is viewed not as a true challenge to unipolarity, but rather:

• As an attempt by Russia to recover from weakness
• Often occurring within a framework tolerated or enabled by the United States

On Emerging Powers

Attempts by major powers to assert themselves globally are not seen as:

• Genuine efforts to establish a multipolar world

But rather as:

• Efforts to regain influence and play regional roles

The most significant attempt to challenge U.S. dominance was:

BRICS (founded in 2009)

• Aimed at creating a multipolar world
• However, according to this analysis:
  • The project has ultimately failed

The U.S.–China Dynamic

Since the era of Barack Obama, and continuing under Donald Trump, the United States views:

China as the primary challenger

This challenge is:

• Not primarily military
• But economic

China ranks:

• Second globally in economic size, after the United States since2010

Shift in Global Economic Power

There is a noticeable shift:

• From the Atlantic (U.S.–Europe)
• Toward East Asia

This shift has major implications:

• U.S. strategic pivot toward Asia
• Attempts to:
  • Distance Russia from China
  • Strengthen alliances with India and Japan
  • Surround China strategically

Key Principle

A great power is defined not by:

• Military strength (even nuclear weapons)

But by:

• Economic power

Global Capitalism and Imperialism

The increasing concentration of global wealth:

• In the hands of a few countries and individuals

is seen as confirmation of:

• Lenin’s theory of imperialism (1916)

U.S. Global Dominance

The United States:

• Produces about one-quarter of global GDP
• Gains even more influence through:
  • Multinational corporations
  • Global economic integration

Other indicators of dominance:

• 9 out of the top 10 universities are American
• The U.S. leads in science and technology
• The American lifestyle has global cultural influence

On Globalization and Isolationism

The rise of:

• Isolationist tendencies in countries like:
  • The U.S.
  • France
  • Germany

is not due to failure of globalization, but rather:

• Reactions to:
  • Terrorism
  • Migration
  • Internal challenges within the European Union

Other Global Observations

Latin American Left

• Emerged to reduce dependence on the U.S.
• However, experiences like:
  • Venezuela (since 1999)
  • Brazil (since 2003)

are considered unsuccessful overall

General Conclusion

• The world is not moving toward multipolarity in the near or medium term

China’s Rise and Global Tensions

China’s economic growth may:

• Lead to global instability
• Possibly result in tensions or wars

This is compared to:

• Germany’s economic rise after 1871
• Which contributed to World War I and II

European Union

• Not expected to become an independent global pole
• Remains largely aligned with or subordinate to the United States

Russia

Under Vladimir Putin:

• Russia is not expected to regain its former global status

Instead:

• It plays roles as a regional power
• (e.g., Syria after 2015, similar to France in Libya 2011)
• Often within a framework influenced by the U.S.

Final Analytical Conclusion

• The analysis rejects wishful thinking
• It adheres to Marxist analysis of concrete reality

Key Points:

• U.S. unipolarity still dominates
• China presents:
  • Economic and technological challenges
• Russia presents:
  • Political and military challenges

Attempts like BRICS:

• Have not succeeded in creating a multipolar system

Internal U.S. Debate

There is a division within U.S. strategy between:

1. Military interventionism

• (Pentagon, neoconservatives)

2. Economic strategy approach

• (e.g., Trump-style policies)

Middle East Importance

Contrary to earlier views:

• The Middle East remains strategically important for the U.S.

This is evident in:

• Policies toward Iran

Key Strategic Position

The party believes:

• U.S. imperial dominance requires:
  • A national program in every country
  • To resist external domination
  • And reduce dependency

This includes:

• Economic independence
• Political sovereignty
• Cultural autonomy

This is seen as a central task for Marxist leftists globally, requiring:

• Local
• Regional
• International alliances

Recent Developments (Post-2023)

Events following October 7, 2023 show that:

• The U.S.-led unipolar system remains strong

Even after:

• The Ukraine war (since 2022) suggested weakening

Subsequent Middle East conflicts:

• In Palestine and Lebanon (2023–2024)
• And the fall of the Syrian regime

have reinforced U.S. global dominance

Nature of Global Power

Global dominance is based not only on:

• Military superiority

But also on:

• Economic power
• Alliances

U.S. and its allies (EU, Japan, South Korea, Australia, Taiwan):

• Represent over half of the global economy

Emerging Global Bloc

After 2022:

• A bloc involving:
  • China
  • Russia
  • Iran

has emerged as a counterweight

However:

• It has not yet created a multipolar world
• And likely will not in the near future

The Regional and Arab Situation

Following the end of World War I, most Arab and regional states came under:

• Mandates
• Direct control or influence of imperial capitalist powers
  • Mainly Britain and France

After World War II, these countries gradually gained what was termed:

• Political independence

However:

• British and French dominance declined by the mid-20th century
• This created a power vacuum in the region

Rise of U.S. Influence

The United States moved to fill this vacuum through:

• Political
• Military
• Economic influence

This became clear with:

• The Eisenhower Doctrine (1957), following the Suez Crisis (1956)

Its goal:

• To counter Soviet influence in the region

Early U.S. Engagement

Even before 1957, U.S. involvement had already begun:

• The 1945 meeting between:
  • Franklin D. Roosevelt and King Abdulaziz Al Saud
    → Marked the beginning of a strategic U.S.–Saudi relationship
• The 1953 coup in Iran against Prime Minister Mohammad Mossadegh
  → Restored the Shah
  → Signaled the transfer of influence from Britain to the U.S. in the Middle East

Cold War Dynamics in the Region

During the Cold War:

• The U.S. worked to:
  • Limit Soviet influence
  • Expand its own dominance

This included:

• Shifting Egypt away from the Soviet Union after 1974
• Signing the Camp David Accords (1978) between Egypt and Israel

Strategic Outcome:

• Egypt was removed from the Arab-Israeli conflict
• This enabled U.S.–Israeli dominance over the rest of the Arab world

Reshaping the Region

Further steps included:

• Weakening Iraq through the 1991 Gulf War
• Then the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq

This was framed as:

• A project to “reshape the Middle East”

Decline of Arab Regional Power

The weakening of major Arab states led to:

• The rise of regional non-Arab powers, such as:
  • Iran
  • Turkey
  • Ethiopia

Examples:

• Egypt’s regional role declined with and after Anwar Sadat
• Iraq’s influence ended after 1991 and 2003
• Syria’s regional role declined after 2011

Saudi Arabia’s Role

Saudi Arabia:

• Rose in influence after the 1973 oil boom
• But its regional role declined after 2015

This decline became evident in:

• Iraq
• Syria
• Lebanon

As well as:

• Its prolonged involvement in Yemen since 2015

However:

• The U.S. later attempted to revive Saudi influence, especially:
  • After the Riyadh Summit (2017) attended by Donald Trump

Regional Interference in Arab States

Regional powers have increasingly intervened in Arab internal affairs:

Iran:

• Influence via:
  • Hezbollah
  • Hamas
  • Islamic Jihad movement in palestine
• Strong presence in:
  • Iraq
  • Lebanon
  • Yemen

Turkey:

• Influence through:
  • Islamist political movements
  • Armed groups in Syria

Ethiopia:

• Influence in Sudan via:
  • Support for southern movements

Forms of Influence

These interventions include:

• Supporting political parties
• Creating militias
• Influencing internal conflicts
• Even redrawing borders

Examples:

• Popular Mobilization Forces (Iraq)
• Houthis (Yemen)
• South Sudan’s independence (2011)

Fragmentation of Arab States

These developments reveal:

• Deep structural weaknesses in Arab states
• Many of which were inherited from colonial-era formations

Iraq as a Model (Post-2003)

Iraq illustrates this fragmentation:

• Society divided not only between:
  • Pro-government and opposition in sadam husein era

But also over:

• Support for or opposition to the U.S. invasion

This extended to:

• Differing views on the U.S.-led occupation authority

Syria (2011–2024) in This Context

In Syria:

• Both the government and opposition (with few exceptions) relied on external support:

Government:

• Russia
• Iran

Opposition:

• U.S.
• Turkey
• Gulf states

This resulted in:

• Broad dependency on external actors

Conclusion on External Influence

• Iraq, Syria, and Yemen have all fallen under varying degrees of external control or influence

Political Systems Imposed on the Region

There is a trend toward:

• Promoting sectarian power-sharing systems

Example:

• Lebanon’s system since:
  • The 1943 National Pact
  • The Taif Agreement (1989)

Criticism:

Such systems:

• Allow greater foreign interference
• Undermine national sovereignty

Alternative Vision

The preferred model is:

• A citizen-based democracy, not one based on sectarian or communal divisions

Primary Contradiction in the Region

The main struggle in countries like:

• Iraq
• Syria
• Lebanon
• Yemen

is:

• Ending external control
• Achieving true independence

Other Tasks (Secondary but Parallel):

• Democracy
• Socio-economic transformation
• Modernization

These must proceed:

• Alongside, not against, the national struggle

Emerging Regional Trends

There is a growing shift toward:

• The Gulf becoming the Arab center in:
  • Politics
  • Security
  • Culture

This follows:

• Decline of Egypt, Iraq, and Syria

Western Strategic Vision for the Region

There are efforts to:

• Create a Middle Eastern extension of NATO

This would include:

• Arab states
• In alliance with Israel

Objective:

• Confront Iran
• Potentially resolve the Arab–Israeli conflict under new terms

Internal Political Trends in Arab Societies

A recurring pattern in several countries:

• Algeria (1992)
• Tunisia
• Egypt (since 2013)

Is:

• Secularists, liberals, and leftists supporting authoritarian regimes
• Against Islamist movements

Even at the expense of:

• Democratic processes

Position on the Palestinian Issue

The proposed solution:

• A democratic, secular state across all of Palestine

Where:

• Arabs and Jews live with equal rights

Rationale:

• Failure of the two-state solution
• Failure of the “Greater Israel” project
• Impracticality of total liberation under current conditions

Rejected Alternatives:

• Two-state solution (due to settlements and Jerusalem issues)
• A Palestinian state in Jordan (proposed historically by Israeli extremists)

On Arab Identity (Arabism)

Arabism is defined as:

• A cultural and civilizational identity, not a political ideology

It is:

• Not tied to ethnicity
• Not compulsory
• Not necessarily adopted by all Arabs

Historical Context:

• Emerged after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire
• Produced political movements in the 20th century

However:

• These movements failed to dominate or unify the region

Modern View:

Arabism can:

• Be adopted by different ideologies (Marxist, liberal, etc.)
• Serve as:
  • A framework for resisting imperialism
  • Or a basis for economic cooperation (like the EU model)

The Syrian Situation (March 18, 2011 – December 8, 2024)

The outbreak of the Syrian crisis, beginning in Daraa on March 18, 2011, was an expression of the explosion of Syria’s:

• Political
• Economic
• Social
• Cultural structure

that had been shaped since March 8, 1963.

While the “Arab Spring” contributed as a trigger, the internal Syrian conditions were:

• Already highly combustible

There was:

• No original external conspiracy behind the outbreak
• Rather, an internal structural explosion

However:

• External actors later exploited the crisis

Notably:

• Many of these actors had previously maintained good relations with the Syrian regime (2004–2010), including:
  • Turkey
  • Qatar
  • France
  • Saudi Arabia
  • The United States

Roots of the Crisis

The matter raises deeper historical questions:

• Did the roots begin in:
  • 1946 (independence)?
  • 1958 (union with Egypt)?
  • 1963 (Baathist takeover)?
  • 1970 (Assad’s rise)?

Nature of the Crisis

The party defines the situation as:

A “Syrian Crisis” (not a revolution)

It describes:

• A broad social protest movement
• But not a majority movement

Society was divided into roughly:

• One-third pro-government
• One-third opposition
• One-third undecided

Result: A Deadlock

This balance led to:

• Neither side able to defeat the other
• No bilateral settlement emerging

Which created:

• A prolonged and complex national crisis

Internationalization of the Conflict

Due to this internal stalemate:

• Regional actors intervened
• Then international powers (from 2012 onward)

The crisis became:

• International + regional + local

Impossibility of Military Resolution (2011–2015)

This manifests in:

• The regime could not fall through:
  • Internal forces
  • Regional forces
  • International intervention

Call for Political Settlement

From early on (since 2011), the party advocated:

A comprehensive settlement

Because the crisis has three layers:

1. International
2. Regional
3. Local

Thus, any viable solution must include all three levels

Key Frameworks for Settlement:

• Geneva I (2012)
• UN Resolution 2254 (2015)

These remain:

• The foundation of any political solution

Dominance of External Powers

Over time:

• External actors gained control over:
  • The course of the conflict
  • The keys to its resolution

This resulted in:

• External dominance over Syrian internal affairs

Main Determining Actors:

• International:
  • United States
  • Russia
• Regional:
  • Turkey
  • Saudi Arabia
  • Iran
  • Qatar

The document emphasizes:

• International actors (especially Washington and Moscow) are more decisive than regional ones

Failure of Negotiations

Several negotiation rounds failed due to lack of major power agreement:

• Geneva II (2014)
• Geneva III (2016)
• Geneva IV (2016–2017)

Regional actors could:

• Obstruct negotiations

But could not:

• Successfully conclude them without international consensus

Key Social Observations

1. Relative Social Cohesion

Compared to:

• Lebanon (civil war)
• Iraq (sectarian fragmentation)
• Turkey (ethnic conflict)

Syria maintained:

• A level of social cohesion

2. Nature of Divisions

Divisions were:

• Political (pro/anti/neutral)
• Not purely sectarian

Though:

• Many minorities supported the regime
• Sunni Arabs were divided across all three camps(pro-anti-neutral)

3. Kurdish Position

Syrian Kurds:

• Maintained a middle position

They used the situation to establish:

• Autonomous administration (2014)
• Federalism proposals (2016)

Why No Civil War has been in syria2011-2024?

The document argues:

• The division of Sunni Arabs prevented:
  • Full-scale civil war
  • Complete regime collapse

Also:

• Economic elites (especially in Damascus and Aleppo) played a major stabilizing role and stand with the regime

Structure of the Syrian Regime

The regime relied on a tripartite alliance (1970–2024):

1. Military establishment

2. Bourgeois economic classes
3. Official religious sunni establishment

Economic Evolution

Syrian capitalism developed in phases:

• 1974
• 1991
• 2004
• 2011

There was a shift from:

• State capitalism →market economy

But under:

• A non-democratic authoritarian system

Weakness of the Opposition

The opposition suffered from:

• Organizational weakness
• Failure to:
  • Understand political realities
  • Translate events into a coherent political program

It is described as:

• Experiencing “political lag”

Examples:

• Syrian National Council
• National Coalition

They:

• Failed to achieve meaningful political impact

Exception:

• National Coordination body-NCB

Failure to Lead the spotaneous social revolt

Unlike historical examples (e.g., Russia February revolution 1917):

• Organized opposition failed to:
  • Lead a spontaneous mass movement
  • Provide direction and strategy

Social Fragmentation

During the crisis:

• Syrians became deeply polarized
• Dialogue between groups became nearly impossible

Each group:

• Trusted only its own narratives and media

Rise of External Dependency

Both sides relied heavily on foreign support:

Opposition:

• Turned to external powers after failing internally

Regime:

• Relied on:
  • Iran
  • Hezbollah
  • Iraqi/Afghan militias
  • Russia

Key Insight:

This reflects:

• Weak national cohesion
• Weak culture of internal political compromise

Missed Opportunity for Settlement

The push for settlement:

• Came mainly from international actors

However:

• The first internal call came early (2011):
  • Halbon Conference (National Coordination body-NCB)

Rise of Violence and Extremism

The crisis revealed:

• A strong tendency toward violence across society

This was:

• Not limited to Islamist groups
• Also present among secular actors

Extremist Organizations

Syria became fertile ground for:

• Jabhat al-Nusra (Al-Qaeda affiliate)
• ISIS

Explanation (Marxist Analysis):

The spread of these ideologies is linked to:

• Economic and social conditions
• Not purely religious factors

Final Insight on This Phase

The Syrian crisis demonstrated:

• Structural internal weaknesses
• External dominance
• Failure of political actors
• Deep societal fragmentation

The New Syrian Situation Since December 8, 2024

The fall of the Syrian regime on December 8, 2024 did not occur as a result of:

• An internal Syrian force capable of overthrowing it

Rather, for accuracy, the regime’s position between:

• The fall of East Aleppo (December 22, 2016)
• And the Moscow Agreement between Russia and Turkey (March 5, 2020)

was militarily stronger than the armed opposition.

This relative strength continued until:

• The opposition offensive launched from Idlib toward Aleppo on November 27, 2024

Which ultimately led to:

• The collapse of the regime on December 8, 2024

Key Cause of the Regime’s Fall

The document emphasizes that the fall was primarily due to:

Shifts in Regional and International Power Balances

Regional Factors:

• The weakening of Iran’s regional axis
• Following:
  • The Gaza war
  • The Lebanon war
    (after October 7, 2023)

International Factors:

• Russia’s weakening role in Syria
• Due to its engagement in the Ukraine war since 2022

Comparison with Earlier Period (2011–2015):

• The regime survived earlier because of:
  • Iranian and Russian support
  • With U.S. tolerance
• Its fall later resulted from:
  • The weakening of those same supporting powers

External Determination of the New System

The future Syrian system is described as:

Not yet fully formed

And largely shaped by external actors, primarily:

1. The United States (most influential)

2. Turkey
3. Israel

Dual Reality:

• There is both:
  • A “struggle over Syria”
  • And a “struggle within Syria”

Lack of Sovereignty

Syria in this phase:

• Does not possess full independence
• External actors influence:
  • Internal conflicts
  • Political outcomes

Power Equation: The “Triad”

The emerging Syrian system will be shaped by:

Washington – Ankara – Tel Aviv

• U.S.–Turkey coordination is described as:
  • Stronger than U.S.–Israel coordination on Syria

Limits on New Syrian Leadership

The new rulers in Damascus:

• Are constrained by this external power structure
• Cannot تجاوز (go beyond) it

Example:

• When they attempted to do so in Suwayda (July 2025)
  → They received a “warning signal”

Example of External Constraints:

Negotiations with:

• Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF)

Are:

• Governed by these external power equations

On Ideology of the New Leadership

Even ideological tendencies (e.g., Islamist orientation):

• Will not determine the system

Instead:

• They will adapt to:
  • External power realities

Overall Evaluation of the Regime’s Fall

The fall of the regime is described as:

A positive, historic turning point

• It closed:
  • One of the darkest chapters in the Syrian history
• Achieved through:
  • Great sacrifices by the Syrian people

However…

The new phase:

• Cannot be shaped by:
  • One individual
  • One political group

Required the Syrian Path Forward:

• A comprehensive national consensus
• Through a general national conference

Concerns About Current Trajectory

Ongoing:

• Violence
• Security chaos

Indicate:

• Serious flaws in the current transitional path

Warning:

• Any new dictatorship:
  • Will lead to fragmentation and collapse

Key Principle:

• Monopoly of power (by an individual or ideology)
  = A path to disaster

Tactical Vision

1. Building Broad Alliances

Based on:

• Equal citizenship (regardless of religion, ethnicity, gender, etc.)
• Fundamental freedoms:
  • Political parties formation
  • Media
  • Protest
  • Strikes
• A comprehensive political transition:
  • Based on UN Resolution 2254
  • Through a founding national conference

2. Position Toward the New Authority

• Not fixed or absolute
• Based on:
  • Its actual practices
  • Evaluated case by case

3. Priority: National-Democratic Reconstruction

Focus areas:

• Relations with external powers
• Internal state-building
• Overcoming territorial fragmentation

4. Solution Framework

The Syrian crisis:

• Remains ongoing

And can only be resolved through:

• A UN-led process
• Implementing Resolution 2254 in full

5. Equality of Citizens

All Syrians must have:

• Equal rights and duties

Regardless of:

• Ethnicity
• Religion
• Sect
• Region
• Gender
• Political affiliation

6. Secularism

The party defines secularism as:

• Separation of religion from the state
• State neutrality toward all beliefs

The state must not be based on:

• Religion
• Sect
• Ethnicity
• Ideology

Overall Conclusion

The post-2024 Syrian phase is characterized by:

• External dominance
• Internal instability
• An unfinished political system

And requires:

• A negotiated, inclusive, and internationally supported transition

History of the Syrian Communist Party (1924–2025)

Early Formation (1924–1944)

The roots of the communist movement in Syria date back to 1924, during the French Mandate period.

• The party initially emerged as part of a broader Syrian–Lebanese communist organization
• It operated under conditions of:
  • Colonial rule
  • Political repression

During this phase, its activities focused on:

• Anti-colonial struggle
• Organizing workers and intellectuals

Independence and Growth (1944–1958)

After independence:

• The party expanded its influence among:
  • Workers
  • Students
  • Intellectuals

It played a role in:

• Political life
• Trade unions
• Public debates

Union with Egypt and Repression (1958–1961)

During the United Arab Republic (Syria–Egypt union):

• Political parties were dissolved
• Including the Communist Party

This led to:

• A decline in organized political activity

Baathist Era (1963–1970)

Following the Baath Party’s rise to power in 1963:

• Political life was restricted
• The Communist Party faced:
  • Limitations
  • Periodic repression

Assad Era and the National Progressive Front (1970–2000)

Under Hafez al-Assad:

• The party joined the National Progressive Front (1972)

This allowed:

• Limited legal political participation

However:

• Within a controlled political framework dominated by the ruling regime

Internal Division in the Syrian communist party(since 3 april 1972 when the party splitted into two factions:(THE SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY- PB and THE SYRIAN COMMUNIST PARTY – BAKDASH)

Over time, the Communist Party experienced:

• Multiple internal splits

These divisions were due to:

• Political disagreements
• Organizational conflicts
• Differing positions on:
  • The regime
  • International communist trends

The syrian communist party(political bureau)adoped opposition policy against the hafez al – assad regime,demanding the democracy, and that led the regime to the arrests campaigns against the party between 1980-1990, when hundreds of our comrades were arrested for above ten years, and ten of cormrades died under torture.

Post-2000 Period (Bashar al-Assad Era)

After 2000:

• There was limited political opening (“Damascus Spring”)
• Followed by renewed restrictions

The party continued to:

• Operate within tight political constraints

Position During the 2011 Crisis

With the outbreak of the Syrian crisis:

The party:

• Rejected:
  • Violent escalation
  • Militarization
• Called for:
  • A political solution from the beginning
• Opposed:
  • Foreign intervention

Political Line (2011–2024)

The party maintained a position:

• Independent from both:
  • The regime
  • The externally-backed opposition

It emphasized:

• National sovereignty
• Political dialogue
• Gradual democratic change

Role in Opposition Structures

The party participated in:

• Internal opposition frameworks

Most notably:

• The National Coordination body- ncb

Which:

• Advocated for:
  • Internal political transformation toward democracy
  • Negotiated settlement

Challenges Faced

During the crisis, the party struggled with:

• Limited influence on the ground
• Polarization of society
• Dominance of armed actors

Post-2024 Phase

After the fall of the regime:

The party sees:

• A new historical phase

Requiring:

• Reorganization of political forces
• Rebuilding of national political life

General Evaluation

The history of the Syrian Communist Party reflects:

• Continuous struggle under:
  • Colonial rule
  • Authoritarian systems
  • National crises

It also reflects:

• Internal fragmentation
• Difficulty adapting to rapidly changing realities

Key Lessons

1. Need for unity among leftist forces
2. Importance of independent national decision-making
3. Necessity of linking theory with reality
4. Avoiding ideological rigidity

Conclusion

The party’s historical trajectory shows:

• Both:
  • Persistence
  • Limitations

It now seeks to:

• Play a role in shaping Syria’s future
• Within a:
  • National
  • Democratic
  • Modern framework

Future Tasks and Political Program (Practical Vision)

General Framework

The Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) defines its future tasks based on:

• The current national-democratic stage
• The realities of both:
  • Internal conditions
  • External influences

The program is:

• Practical and transitional, not theoretical or long-term ideological

1. National Tasks (Priority Level)

Ending External Dominance

• Work toward restoring full national sovereignty
• Reject all forms of:
  • Foreign military presence
  • External political control

Preserving Unity of the Country

• Maintain Syria as:
  • A unified state
  • Reject partition or fragmentation

Political Solution

• Implement a comprehensive settlement based on:
  • UN Resolution 2254

Including:

• Political transition
• Constitutional reform
• Free and fair elections

2. Political and Democratic Tasks

Building a Democratic State

• Establish a system based on:
  • Political pluralism
  • Peaceful transfer of power
  • Rule of law

Guaranteeing Freedoms

Ensure:

• Freedom of:
  • Expression
  • Political organization formation
  • Media
  • Assembly
  • Protest

Citizenship-Based State

• Equal rights and duties for all citizens
  Regardless of:
• Religion
• Sect
• Ethnicity
• Gender
• Political belief

Secularism

• Separation of religion from the state
• State neutrality toward all beliefs

3. Economic and Social Tasks

Economic Model

• Build a productive national economy
• Reduce dependency on external actors

Social Justice

• Protect:
  • Workers
  • Farmers
  • Low-income groups
• Ensure:
  • Fair distribution of wealth

Development

• Rebuild infrastructure
• Invest in:
  • Industry
  • Agriculture
  • Education
  • Healthcare

Combating Corruption

• Establish:
  • Transparency
  • Accountability mechanisms

4. Institutional and State-Building Tasks

Rebuilding State Institutions

• Create:
  • Efficient
  • Transparent
  • Accountable institutions

Security Sector Reform

• Establish a professional national army
• Ensure:
  • Its neutrality
  • Its role in protecting the country (not controlling politics)

Judicial Independence

• Build an independent judiciary
• Guarantee:
  • Fair trials
  • Equality before the law

5. Social and Cultural Tasks

National Identity

• Promote a unified national identity based on:
  • Citizenship
  • Shared history

Cultural Development

• Encourage:
  • Education
  • Scientific research
  • Cultural production

Rejecting Sectarianism

• Oppose all forms of:
  • Sectarian
  • Ethnic
  • Regional division

6. Relations with External Powers

Balanced Foreign Policy

• Build relations based on:
  • Mutual interests
  • Respect for sovereignty

Reducing Dependency

• Avoid alignment with:
  • Any single global or regional power

Regional Cooperation

• Strengthen cooperation with:
  • Arab countries
  • Neighboring states

7. Political Strategy

Alliance Building

• Form broad alliances with:
  • National
  • Democratic
  • Leftist forces

Gradual Change

• Achieve transformation through:
  • Political processes
  • Not abrupt or violent means

Participation in Public Life

• Engage in:
  • Elections
  • Civil society
  • Public debate

8. Long-Term Vision

While the current stage is national-democratic, the party maintains:

• A long-term perspective toward:
  • Social justice
  • More advanced social systems

However:

• These are not immediate goals
• Priority is given to:
  • Current national and democratic tasks

Final Conclusion

This political program is based on:

• Realistic analysis
• Gradual transformation
• National priorities

It emphasizes:

• Sovereignty
• Democracy
• Social justice
• Unity

Overall Vision

The party aims to contribute to building:

• A free
• Democratic
• unified
• sovereign Syria

Based on:

• Citizenship
• Justice
• Modern state institutions

For communicatoin:

osaham@gmail.com

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Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau)

We are a continuation of the Syrian Communist Party which was founded in 1924. The party joined the Communist International (Comintern) in 1928.

Secretary General of the party Khalid Bakdash entered parliament in the elections of 1954. There was a struggle in the party against the Secretary-General’s control over the party and its individual leadership. In the third conference of the party,1969, the party’s secretary-general controlling was put to an end by electing a new central committee.

The party went on to form a political program for the party, which emphasized the party’s independence from Moscow, with emphasizing the independence of the party from Moscow, and that Marxism is not a ready recipe, but an intellectual-political method of analysis of a specific place and time. Khalid Bakdash stood with the Soviets. The majority of the Party leadership stood in the Central Committee and the Political Bureau against the Soviet direction of Bakdash.

On April 3, 1972, the party split into two parties: a pro-Soviet communist party allied to the existing authority, and another communist party, Syrian Communist Party – Political Bureau.

In 1978 we introduced a democratic program calling for a radical change in the structure of the existing Syrian authority. Between 1980 and 1990, the party was exposed to waves of arrests that affected hundreds of its leaders, cadres and members.

In 2005 our party was exposed to a two-way split

1. Marxist trend maintained the name of “(Syrian Communist Party – the Political Bureau)”.

2. Liberal trend betting on the American project for change in the Middle East that began with the US occupation of Iraq. Advocates of this trend followed the establishment of (the People’s Democratic Party) in 2005.

The People’s Democratic Party (PDP) allied with the Muslim Brotherhood through “Syrian National Council” (SNC) in 2011 and “National Coalition” in 2012, and supported the armed opposition.

While our party Syrian Communist Party (Political Bureau) went on to establish the “National Coordinating Body” (NCB) in 2011 with many other left-wing parties with an Arab nationalist and Kurdish orientation. The (NCB) called for a political settlement based on the Geneva communique 2012 and rejection of opposition violence, weapons and Islamization.

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Summary of our political program

You can read it as a pdf. file⇒

We are a political party that adopt Marxism as method of analysis and its application to a particular place and time to create a political vision and produce a political-economic-social program for a specific period. We are a communist party in politics and organization. We distance ourselves with many concepts and practices done by many communists.

We are seeking openness to the local community in order to adapt Marxism, as method and a thought, with Arabism and Islam, which consist the basic component of the civilized and cultural identity of the Arab nation, which is a multicultural society.

We work on four lines:

1. A general national line in which we meet other national parties.
2. A left-wing line in which we meet with the left-wing Arabism, Kurdish and Marxist forces on a national democratic line.
3. Marxist leftist line in which we seek to unite the Marxists in one movement with a central political leadership, keeping their own organisations, as way to unite in one party.
4. International Marxist political line: where the party seeks to bring together the intellectual and political views of communist parties in the region, and around the world.

Phase determination

We believe that the current Syrian phase is of a national, democratic and modernisation character, which is a bourgeois phase of a capitalist nature in a social, economic, legal and constitutional sense. And we will work to maintain a unified Syria and struggle to get out of the domination of the foreign powers in the internal affairs.

And considering the Syrian current situation under the foreign occupations , we believe that the priority should be given to the national cause of preserve a unified Syria and lift Syria of its crisis, and then, and after attaining full sovereignty, 

The next objective would be to engage in a national struggle against the hegemony of the foreign and Imperialist powers. The concept of (The National Democratic stage) that we referred to is based on the “Communist Manifesto,” concept in which the states ,that are in a pre-capitalist stage, socialism cannot be achieved before all stages of capitalism are exhausted.

World Situation

The current world situation is shaped by the disintegration and the fall of the Soviet Union, and USA’s transition into a single pole in the world.

And what we see from the emergence of influence of Russia and other major powers in some regions of the world, including Syria, is awakening and  an attempt to get out of their vulnerability and to challenge the single pole power, and the BRICS’s attempt back in 2009 was the greatest attempt to challenge unipolarity in the search for a multipolar world, but all indications are that the BRICS is destined to failure.

Obama and later Trump sees in China the real threat to USA, especially in economy. China’s ranking is the second in the ranking of the world economy after USA. While the later is trying to get closer to Russia, India and Japan to encircle China.

The United States is superior and dominant in the world educationally, technologically, socially and culturally, and this determines many regional and domestic developments in more than one country in the world.

The left-wing attempt in Latin America was only to disengage their subordination from Washington. After two decades from the Venezuelan experience with Chavez and the Brazilian one, they showed to be unsuccessful.

We do not think that the world situation tends to be multipolar in the short and medium term, but we see in American imperialism a need to create a national program in each country to resist this hegemony, to struggle to take its independence and to disengage their economic, political and cultural subordination. This is the task of the Marxist leftists in every country, beside seeking local, regional and international alliance.

Regional and Arab situation

Once the Arab and regional states began to gain their “political independence” after the Second World War and to get out from the British and the French domination, quickly filled American intervention the vacuum of these traditional colonial powers, through Eisenhower Doctrine, to confront the Soviet Union and Gamal Abdel Nasser in Egypt and to ally itself with Saudi Arabia.

USA succeeded in keeping Egypt out of the Soviet Union after the Camp David Accords with Israel, in order to take over the rest of the Arabs. It destroyed Iraq, and ended the Syrian regional role after 2011.

The vacuum of the Arab power led to the rise of neighboring regional powers like Iran, Turkey and Ethiopia, and extended to the manipulation of Arab internal affairs through religious sects.

• Iran has become of a major influence in the Arab-Israeli conflict through its influence on Hezbollah, the Hamas and Islamic Jihad movements, the Shiite communities in Iraq and Bahrain, and the Huthis in Yemen.
• Turkey has influenced the Islamic parties and the armed movements in Syria.
• Ethiopia influenced the Sudan People’s Liberation Movement led by John Garang and later Salva Kiir.

We see that the projects that are presented to the whole region are based on the model of the quota system in Lebanon, which gives the foreign powers more room for control and manipulation of the Arab interior affairs by states based on citizen democracy rather than the “democracy of quotas”.

This confirms that the Arabs needs a struggle for independence and the abolition of the rule of embassies, and the implementation of democratic, social economic and modernisation tasks along with nationalism. And that alliances between the “independence” parties must be based on their position from the foreign powers.

To carry out democratic, economic and social tasks, along with other national missions. and to strictly reiterate that any alliances between “independent” parties must always be based primarily on their position on foreign and Imperialist powers interventions.

The Syrian situation

The explosion of the Syrian crisis was an expression of the explosion of Syria’s political-economic-social-cultural structure, which has been building up since the Baath Party took power on March 8, 1963. The “Arab Spring” wind contributed to the crisis.

We do not see that what happened was a revolution, but a broad social opposition movement, that did not represent a majority of the society, and the Syrians were divided into three sections of the pro-regime, opposition and hesitant or neutral, and this situation has continued so far. These three sections were cross-sects and religions, though most of the non-sunni muslim were pro-regime as well as Christians, while the Sunnis were divided on socio-economic-cultural-political grounds among these three.

This showed a more cohesive Syrian structure than neighboring countries that had undergone many pre-sectarian and ethnic explosions in Lebanon, Turkey and Iraq.

The Syrian Kurds were in a middle position between the pro-regime and the opposition, both partisan and social, and were closer to exploiting the weakness of power in the north and north-east to implement geopolitical and self-governing projects took the form of self-management and federalism.

The Syrian opposition represented by “National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces” was weak in organization and was unable to turn the political facts into a political vision and program, and they were politically late and did not score any political goal.

The National Coordinating Body for Democratic Change (we are one of its founders) was the first to present a settlement agreement since the Halabon Conference on September 17, 2011. The NCB suffered from many political attacks, denunciations and accusations from many opponents who wanted to overthrow the regime with violence and by the foreign powers.

The Syrian opposition was deeply wounded by oppression and imprisonment, and was unable to lead the mass spontaneous movements and offer a program for them.

The crisis has clearly showed the tendency to use the foreign powers to resolve internal conflict, between the pro-regime and “National Coalition for Syrian Revolutionary and Opposition Forces”.

The Syrian regime and the opposition could not overcome each other, and could not find a settlement neither. This situation created a general Syrian crisis, exploited by regional and international powers, to turn into a local-regional-international crisis that requires a settlement at the same level.

Indicators show that the basis will be the Geneva 1 Statement of 2012 and international resolution 2254 of 2015.

USA and Russia are the strongest in the Syrian crisis from regional countries such as Turkey, Iran, Saudi Arabia and to some extent Qatar.

Prospects and tasks

The solution of the Syrian crisis from the international and regional powers is coming to lead to the dominance of embassies such as the Russian, the American, the Saudi Arabian and the Iranian, but this will be accompanied by partisan democracy and political freedoms. Syria will not be free from internal disorders or troubles, but it will not return to violence. The sequence of power and expansion for the major political parties will be as follows:

• The liberal
• The Islamic
• The Marxist
• The Kurdish national
• The Baathist and Nasserite Arab nationalists

Alliances and approaches will occur according to interests and positions of hegemony, democracy, social, economic, constitutional and administrative issues.

The Marxist leftists are still strong in Syria despite the fragmentation of the organization and the political controversy, making the Marxists divided between pro-regime and opposition since 1972.

It is likely that the Marxists will benefit most from the decline of the political Islam throughout the Arab region since the fall of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt in 2013. There are many signs that there is a new leftist wave in the Arab world, the features are clear in Syria, Egypt and Tunisia, and especially between the youth.

The existing class differences and modernisation issues in constitutions and legislative acts will be a powerful fuel driver for the Marxist cart.

There are tasks to Syrian Marxists such as:

• To work on uniting themselves in one new party or through an accumulative marxist structure of parties, organisations and individuals as a transition period towards one party.
• To work on a political settlement based on the Geneva Declaration 1 and UN Resolution 2254 to form a transitional governing body for the opposition and the regime before reaching the Constituent Assembly elections to draft a new democratic constitution.
• To focus on national, democratic, socio-economic and modernisation missions. And alliance with others on this basis.
• Focus on laicism represented by the neutrality of the state towards religions, sects and political beliefs, and to combat hegemony in all its forms.
• To work on a capitalist and non-socialist stage, while maintaining state functions in strategic areas and defending the interests of the poor.
• The rejection of the settlement solution to the Arab-Israeli conflict and the continuation of the Arab and Palestinian struggle for the ending of the Zionist entity towards a secular democratic state in the historic land of Palestine.
• To work for the unity of the Arab region, to spread full equality among all its components, to emphasize a broad administrative decentralisation and to reject federalism.
• To identify alliances with other parties according to the requirements of the stages of the: crisis, political transition to democracy, and beyond.

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⇒ AN ANALYSIS OF THE SYRIAN LEFT REALITIES – AKRAM AL-BUNNI ⇒

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